Sexual predators of young children in the Internet Essay

Sexual predators of young children in the Internet - Essay Example The online security risk of children from pedophiles has been made all the more higher because of easy access through the Internet. As the government tries to secure children however, where parents could be rest assured of some security, pedophiles have become wiser in securing information as in library files or through other means.Parental advice have been made available.As technology advances, information conveyance also advances. Thus the risk of various crimes such as human trafficking, including pedophilia, and illegal material trade caused by online incidents is all the more high. This paper looks into pedophilia particularly its risk on children as aided by the Internet.According to the American Psychiatric Association (APA) in their Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (2000), pedophilia is under the case of paraphilia. It is described as a psychosexual disorder in which a person fantasizes or is committing an act of sexual activity with pre-pubertal children (APA 2000). For online pedophiles, there are two categories: the dabbler and the preferential offender (Bennett and Hess 2001).The dabbler is essentially a typical adolescent searching for pornography, a curious adult with a newly found access to pornography; or a profit-motivated criminal. The other category named preferential offender is usually a sexually indiscriminate individual with a wide variety of deviant sexual interests or a pedophile with a definite preference for children (Bennett & Hess 2001).Historical antecedents... As reported in Christian Science Monitor (Ford 2004), there is even an open child-sex market identified as being in the German-Czech border district that began in 1996 with child prostitutes, the youngest being 6 years old. The pedophile case in the U.S. ranks second in the crimes being reported in the news (Killias 2000). Current importance. The Internet has become a primary medium by which pedophiles exchange images and experiences with one another. Many of these pedophiles belong to international organizations and web rings that are known to distribute pornographic images of children as well as other related material (Lesce 1999). Through Internet chat rooms, podcasts and streaming radio, pedophiles from diverse backgrounds are able to share information, swap stories, politically organize and even give tips on how to distribute to children a printable booklet that extols the benefits of sex with adults. Despite the illegality and societal outrage having sex with minors, the Internet support groups help them justify their behavior (Dawson, 2006). Many online pedophiles that target youngsters are aware of the needs and desires of the young and use their knowledge to exploit the youth through seduction or manipulation (U.S. Department of Justice 2007.). The trouble is that as stated by California's Megan's Law Online, not all sex offenders are caught and convicted (Office of the Attorney General 2007). Controversy. Some pedophiles regard themselves as pushing for legalization of child pornography and the loosening of age-of-consent laws. They view themselves as fighting for children's rights to engage in sex with adults. A Dutch group, in fact, formed a pedophile political party, and celebrated when a Dutch court

History Of Social Services In England Social Work Essay

History Of Social Services In England Social Work Essay In 1992 the Department of Health (DH) and the then, Social Services Inspectorate, in England, published the findings of a survey of two social services Departments in relation to abuse. This publication found there to be a lack of assessments in large numbers of elder abuse cases and little evidence of inter-agency cooperation. The report recommended guidelines to assist social services in their work with older people (DH/SSI 1992). During the 1990s concerns had been raised throughout the UK regarding the abuse of vulnerable adults. The social services inspectorate published Confronting elder abuse (SSI 1992) and following this, practice guidelines No longer afraid (SSI 1993). No longer afraid provided practice guidelines for responding to, what was acknowledged at that time, as elder abuse. It was aimed at professionals in England, Wales and Northern Ireland and emphasised clear expectations that policies should be multi-agency and also include ownership and operational responsibilities (Bennett et al 1997). This guidance was issued under section 7 of the Local Authority Social Services Act 1970 and gives local authority Social Service departments a co-ordinating role in the development and implementation of local vulnerable adult policies and procedures. In 2000, the department of Health published the guidance No Secrets. The purpose of No Secrets was aimed primarily at local authority social services departments, but also gave the local authority the lead in co-ordinating other agencies i.e. police, NHS, housing providers (DOH 2000). The guidance does not have the full force of statute, but should be complied with unless local circumstances indicate exceptional reasons which justify a variation (No Secrets, 2000) The aim of No Secrets was to provide a coherent framework for all responsible organisations to devise a clear policy for the protection of vulnerable adults at risk of abuse and to provide appropriate responses to concerns, anxieties and complaints of abuse /neglect (DOH 2000). Scotland Historical In December 2001, the Scottish Executive published Vulnerable Adults: Consultation Paper (2001 consultation) (Scottish Executive, 2001). This sought views on the extension of the vulnerable adults provisions to groups other than persons with mental disorder and the possible introduction of provisions to exclude persons living with a vulnerable adult, where the adults health is at risk. A joint inquiry was conducted by the Social Work Services Inspectorate and the Mental Welfare Commission for Scotland. Both of these agencies were linked with the central government of Scotland who had responsibility for the oversight of social work services and care and treatment for persons with mental health problems. In the report by the Scottish Executive (2004), a case of a woman who was admitted to a general hospital with multiple injuries from physical and sexual assault and who had a learning disability became the focus for change for Scotland in terms of adults who have been abused. The police investigation identified a catalogue of abuse and assaults ranging back weeks and possibly longer. In June 2003 the Minister for Education and Young People, Peter Peacock MSP, asked the Social Work Services Inspectorate (SWSI) to carry out an inspection of the social work services provided to people with learning disabilities by Scottish Borders Council. At the same time, the Mental Welfare Commission for Scotland (MWC) also undertook an inquiry into the involvement of health services, though worked closely with SWSI during its inquiry. The two bodies produced separate reports, but also published a joint statement (MWC and SWSI, 2004), which summarised their findings and stated their recommendations. The findings included: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ a failure to investigate appropriately very serious allegations of abuse à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ a lack of information-sharing and co-ordination within and between key agencies (social work, health, education, housing, police) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ a lack of risk assessment and failure to consider allegations of sexual abuse a lack of understanding of the legislative framework for intervention and its capacity to provide protection à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ a failure to consider statutory intervention at appropriate stages The Adult Support and Protection (Scotland) Act 2007 (ASPA) is a result of the events that were known as the Scottish Borders Enquiry. Following the various police investigations, it was identified that there were historical links between the client and the offenders who were later prosecuted in terms of statements held by social services department detailing the offenders behaviour towards the woman and that this information was held on file. The Scottish Executive (2004) described the case as extremely disturbing but even more shocking to many that so many concerns about this woman had been made known and not acted on. As a consequence, 42 recommendations from the inquiry were made and there was a specific recommendation which was taken to the Scottish Executive and involved the provision of comprehensive adult protection legislation as a matter of urgency as there had been concerns raised from political groups and high profile enquiries to provide statute for the protection of adults at risk of abuse in Scotland (Mackay 2008). The Scottish framework links with three pieces of legislation. In 2000, the Adults with Incapacity (Scotland) Act [AWISA 2000] was passed and focused on protecting those without capacity with financial and welfare interventions for those unable to make a decisions. Second, the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act (2003) [MHSA (2003)] modernised the way in which care and treatment could be delivered both in hospital and the community and improved patients rights. Finally, the Adult Support and Protection (Scotland) Act (2007) [ASPSA (2007)] widened the range of community care service user groups who could be subject to assessment, and mainly short-term intervention, if they were deemed to be adults at risk of harm. Mackay (2008) argues that the Scottish arrangements both mirror and differ from those of England and Wales. She maps out the intervention powers for adults at risk of harm into a type of hierarchical structure known as a pyramid of intervention which aims to reflect the framework of the various pieces of Scottish legislation and goes onto say that the principle underlying all of the legislation is minimum intervention to achieve the desired outcome. Critique of definitions. In England, the No Secrets (2000) guidance defines a vulnerable adult as a person aged 18 or over and who is or may be in need of community care services by reason of mental or other disability, age or illness; and who is or may be unable to take care of him or herself, or unable to protect him or herself against significant harm or exploitation (DOH 2000 Section 2.3) The groups of adults targeted by No Secrets were those who is or may be eligible for community care services. And within that group, those who were unable to protect themselves from significant harm were referred to as vulnerable adults. Whilst the phrase vulnerable adults names the high prevalence of abuse experienced by the group, there is a recognition that this definition is contentious. ADSS (2005). The definition of a vulnerable adult referred to in the 1997 consultation paper Who Decides issued by the Lord Chancellors Department is a person: who is, or may be in need of Community Care Services by reason of mental or other disability, age or illness: and who Is, or may be unable to take care of him or herself, or unable to protect him or herself against significant harm or exploitation (Law Commission Report 231, 1995) There are however broader definitions of vulnerability which are used in different guidance and in the more recent Crime and Disorder Act (1998) it refers to vulnerable sections of the community and embraces ethnic minority communities and people rendered vulnerable by social exclusion and poverty rather than service led definitions. There is concern, however, that the current England framework is more restricted than it should be, and that the problem is one of definition. The House of Commons Health Committee, says that No secrets should not be confined to people requiring community care services, and that it should also apply to old people living in their own homes without professional support and anyone who can take care of themselves (House of Commons Health Committee, 2007). Even within the ADASS National Framework (2005) it has been argued that vulnerability seems to locate the cause of abuse with the victim, rather than placing responsibility with the acts or omissions of others (ADASS, 2005) The Law Commission speaks favourably of the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006, which, it says, understands vulnerability purely through the situation an adult is placed [in] (Law Commission, 2008). It is now becoming questionable whether the term vulnerable be replaced with the term at risk. If we were to look at the current legislation in England surrounding the investigations of abuse to adults, there are none, however there are underpinning pieces of legislation which whilst not in its entirety focus specifically on the adult abuse remit, but can be drawn upon to protect those most vulnerable. There are many duties underpinning investigations of adult abuse, but no specific legislation. The NHS and Community Care Act 1990, section 47 assessments can be implemented in order to consider an adults need for services and can therefore consider any risk factors present at the time of the assessment. From this, assessment and commissioned services can support people who have been abused or can prevent abuse from occurring. The National Assistance Act (1948) deals with the welfare of people with disabilities and states that the: local authority shall make arrangements for promoting the welfare of person whosuffers from a mental disorderwho are substantially and permanently handicapped by illness, injury or congenital deformity or other disabilities and gives power to provide services arising out of an investigation out of the NHS Community care Act 1990. (Mantell 2009). The Fair Access to Care Services 2003 (FACS) recognises that community care services will be a vital aspect of adult protection work (Spencer- Lane, 2010). Interestingly the eligibility criteria that superseded Fair Access to Care from April 2010 (Prioritising Need in the context of Putting People First: A whole systems approach to eligibility for Social Care), continues to place adults who are experiencing, or at risk of experiencing abuse or neglect, in Critical and substantial needs criteria banding, as FACS did. Another definition of a vulnerable adult is cited within The Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act (2006), (SVG Act 2006), and defines a vulnerable adult as: A person is a vulnerable adult if he has attained the age of 18 and: (a)he is in residential accommodation, (b)he is in sheltered housing, (c)he receives domiciliary care, (d)he receives any form of health care, (e)he is detained in lawful custody, (f)he is by virtue of an order of a court under supervision by a person exercising functions for the purposes of Part 1 of the Criminal Justice and Court Services Act 2000 (c. 43), (g)he receives a welfare service of a prescribed description, (h)he receives any service or participates in any activity provided specifically for persons who fall within subsection (9), (i)payments are made to him (or to another on his behalf) in pursuance of arrangements under section 57 of the Health and Social Care Act 2001 (c. 15), or (j)he requires assistance in the conduct of his own affairs. This particular act appears to take an alternative approach to the term vulnerability. It refers to places where a person is placed and is situational. (Law Commission, 2008). Following the consultation of No Secrets, one of the key findings of the consultation was the role that the National Health Service played in relation to Safeguarding Vulnerable adults and their systems. The Department of Health produced a document titled Clinical Governance and Adult Safeguarding- An Integrated Process (DOH 2010). The aim of the guidance is to encourage organisations to develop processes and systems which focused on complaints, healthcare incidents and how these aspects fall within the remit of Safeguarding processes and to empower reporting of such as it identified that clinical governance systems did not formally recognise the need to work in collaboration with Local Authorities when concerns arise during healthcare delivery. The definition of who is vulnerable in this NHS guidance, refers to the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act (2006) and states that any adult receiving any form of healthcare is vulnerable and that there is no formal definition of vulnerability within health care but those receiving healthcare may be at greater risk from harm than others (DOH 2010). In the Care Standards Act 2000 it describes a Vulnerable adult as: (a) an adult to whom accommodation and nursing or personal care are provided in a care home; (b) an adult to whom personal care is provided in their own home under arrangements made by a domiciliary care agency; or (c) an adult to whom prescribed services are provided by an independent hospital, independent clinic, independent medical agency or National Health Service body. Similar to the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act, the Care Standards Act 2000 classifies the term vulnerable adult as situational and circumstantial rather than specific and relevant to a persons individual circumstance. Spencer-Lane (2010) says that these definitions of vulnerability in England have been the subject of increasing criticism. He states that the location of the cause of the abuse rests with the victim rather than the acts of others; that vulnerability is an inherent characteristic of the person and that no recognition is given that it might be contextual, by setting or place that makes the person vulnerable. Interestingly Spencer -Lane (2010) prefers the concept of adults at risk. He goes on to suggest a new definition that adults at risk are based on two approaches as the Law Commission feel that the term vulnerable adults should be replaced by adults at risk to reflect these two concerns: To reflect the persons social care needs rather than the receipt of services or a particular diagnosis What the person is at risk from whether or not the term significant harm should be used but would include ill treatment or the impairment of health or development or unlawful conduct which would include financial abuse Spencer-Lane (2010) also argues that with the two approaches above, concerns remain regarding the term significant harm as he feels the threshold for this type of risk is too high and whether the term in its entirety at risk of harm be used whilst encompassing the following examples: ill treatment; impairment of health or development; unlawful conduct. Unlike in Scotland, there are no specific statutory provisions for adult protection; the legal framework is provided through a combination of the common law, local authority guidance and general statute law (Spencer-Lane 2010). Whereby in England the term vulnerable adult is used, in Scotland the term in the Adult Support and Protection (Scotland) Act 2007 uses the term adults at risk. This term was derived by the Scottish Executive following their 2005 consultation were respondents criticised the word vulnerable as they believed it focussed on a person disability rather than their abilities, hence the Scottish executive adopted the term at risk (Payne, 2006). Martin (2007) questions the definition of vulnerability and highlights how the vulnerability focus in England leaves the deficit with the adult, as opposed to their environment. She uses the parallel argument to that idea of disabling environments, rather than the disabled person, within the social model of disability. She goes on to comment that processes within society can create vulnerability. People, referred to as vulnerable adults, may well be in need of community care services to enjoy independence, but what makes people vulnerable is that way in which they are treated by society and those who support them. It could be argues that vulnerability and defining a person as vulnerable could be construed as being oppressive. This act states that an adult at risk is unable to safeguard their own well-being, property, rights or other interests; at risk of harm and more vulnerable because they have a disability, mental disorder, illness or physical or mental infirmity. It also details that the act applies to those over 16 years of age, where in England the term vulnerable adult is defined for those over the age of 18 and for the requirement under the statute is that all of the three elements are met for a person to be deemed at risk. ADASS too supports the use of risk as the basis of adult protection, although its definition differs from the one used in Scotland. It states that an adult at risk is one who is or may be eligible for community care services and whose independence and wellbeing are at risk due to abuse or neglect (ADASS, 2005) The ASPSA (2007) act The Scottish Code of Practice states that no category of harm is excluded simply because it is not explicitly listed. In general terms, behaviours that constitute harm to others can be physical (including neglect), emotional, financial, sexual or a combination of these. Also, what constitutes serious harm will be different for different persons. (Scottish Government, 2008a p13). In defining what constitutes significant harm, No Secrets (2000) uses the definition of significant harm in who decides? No Secrets defines significant harm as:- harm should be taken to include not only ill treatment (including sexual abuse and forms of ill treatment which are not physical), but also the impairment of, or an unavoidable deterioration in, physical or mental health; and the impairment of physical, intellectual, emotional, social or behavioural developments (No Secrets, 2000. The ASPA (2007) act also goes onto detail that any intervention in an individuals affairs should provide benefit to the individual, and should be the least restrictive option of those that are available thus providing a safety net on the principles of the act (ASPA, 2007). The Adult Support and Protection (Scotland) Act 2007 says: harm includes all harmful conduct and, in particular, includes: conduct which causes physical harm; conduct which causes psychological harm (e.g. by causing fear, alarm or distress) unlawful conduct which appropriates or adversely affects property, rights or interests (e.g. theft, fraud, embezzlement or extortion) conduct which causes self-harm N.B conduct includes neglect and other failures to act, which includes actions which are not planned or deliberate, but have harmful consequences Interestingly the Mental Capacity Act 2005 (section 44) introduced a new criminal offence of ill treatment and wilful neglect of a person who lacks capacity to make a relevant decision. It does not matter whether the behaviour toward the person was likely to cause or actually caused harm or damage to the victims health. Although the Mental Capacity Act mainly relates to adults 16 and over, Section 44 can apply to all age groups including children (Code of Practice Mental Capacity Act 2005). The Association of Directors of Social Services (ADSS) published a National Framework of Standards to attempt to reduce variation across the country (ADSS 2005). In this document the ADSS 2005 updated this definition above to :- every adult who is or may be eligible for community care services, facing a risk to their independence (ADSS 2005 para 1.14). England and Scotland differences with policy/legislation Definition of vulnerability Three part definition to definition of at risk of harm Harm might be caused by another person or the person may be causing the harm themselves no category of harm is excluded simply because it is not explicitly listed. In general terms, behaviours that constitute harm to others can be physical (including neglect), emotional, financial, sexual, or a combination of these. Also, what constitutes serious harm will be different for different persons. Code of Practice, Scottish Government (2008) Defining vulnerable: adult safeguarding in England and Wales Greater level of contestation in defining VA in adults than children. Doucuments in wales and England are very similar. In safe hands document is greater but both are issued under the provision of section 7. Whilst they are guidance, there is a statutory footing behind them. No Secrets (DH2000) defines vulnerable in a particular way: Is a person who is or may be in need of community care services by reason of mental or other disability, age or illness; and who is or may be unable to take care of him or herself, or unable to protect him or herself against significant harm or exploitation. No Secrets paragraph 2.3 Lord Chancellors Department, Who Decides (1995) The ASP Act introduces new adult protection duties and powers, including: Councils duty to inquire and investigate Duty to co-operate Duty to consider support services such as independent advocacy Other duties and powers visits, interviews, examinations Protection Orders: assessment, removal, banning and temporary banning Warrants for Entry, Powers of Arrest and Offences Duty to establish Adult Protection Committees across Scotland Harm includes all harmful conduct and, in particular, includes: a) conduct which causes physical harm; b) conduct which causes psychological harm (for example: by causing fear, alarm or distress); c) unlawful conduct which appropriates or adversely affects property, rights or interests (for example: theft, fraud; embezzlement or extortion); and d) conduct which causes self-harm. An adult is at risk of harm if: another persons conduct is causing (or is likely to cause) the adult to be harmed, or the adult is engaging (or is likely to engage) in conduct which causes (or is likely to cause) self-harm N.B conduct includes neglect and other failures to act (Section 53)

Creation of the World :: essays research papers

Creation of the World In the beginning there was only chaos. Then out of the void appeared Erebus, the unknowable place where death dwells, and Night All else was empty, silent, endless, darkness. Then somehow Love was born bringing a start of order. From Love came Light and Day. Once there was Light and Day, Gaea, the earth appeared.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Then Erebus slept with Night, who gave birth to Aether, the heavenly light, and to Day the earthly light. Then Night alone produced Doom, Fate, Death, Sleep, Dreams, Nemesis, and others that come to man out of darkness. Meanwhile Gaea alone gave birth to Uranus, the heavens. Uranus became Gaea's mate covering her on all sides. Together they produced the three Cyclopes, the three Hecatoncheires, and twelve Titans. However, Uranus was a bad father and husband. He hated the Hecatoncheires. He imprisoned them by pushing them into the hidden places of the earth, Gaea's womb. This angered Gaea and she plotted against Uranus. She made a flint sickle and tried to get her children to attack Uranus. All were too afraid except, the youngest Titan, Cronus.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gaea and Cronus set up an ambush of Uranus as he lay with Gaea at night. Cronus grabbed his father and castrated him, with the stone sickle, throwing the severed genitals into the ocean. The fate of Uranus is not clear. He either died, withdrew from the earth, or exiled himself to Italy. As he departed he promised that Cronus and the Titans would be punished. From his spilt blood came the Giants, the Ash Tree Nymphs, and the Erinyes. From the sea foam where his genitals fell came Aphrodite.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Cronus became the next ruler. He imprisoned the Cyclopes and the Hecatoncheires in Tartarus. He married his sister Rhea, under his rule the Titans had many offspring. He ruled for many ages. However, Gaea and Uranus both had prophesied that he would be overthrown by a son. To avoid this Cronus swallowed each of his children as they were born. Rhea was angry at the treatment of the children and plotted against Cronus. When it came time to give birth to her sixth child, Rhea hid herself, then she left the child to be raised by nymphs. To conceal her act she wrapped a stone in swaddling cloths and passed it off as the baby to Cronus, who swallowed it.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  This child was Zeus.

Global Environmental Issues Essay

As the third world countries struggle with famines poverty wars and population growth, the communities in the third world countries are discovering the potential impacts of these problems in the form of increased water, air and land pollution. In most of third world countries pollution is almost unchecked and developed nations dump untreated sewage flows and toxic wastes in to rivers. At many times the choice of third world countries is between poison or poverty and basic needs like clothing shelter and food takes the precedence (Murphy, 73). On the other hand forming and enforcing environmental policies in the third world countries becomes economically disastrous and therefore most environmental issues are therefore not addressed by the governments of the poor countries (Murphy, 73). The health of the environment in third world countries is exacerbated by developed nations which take the advantage of the third world countries dilemma. Developed nations dump hazardous wastes in developing nations (Murphy, 73). Industrialized nations also built industrial premises in developing nation to avoid environmental regulations which they would face at their home countries. Transnational corporations that produce chemicals that are deemed dangerous in developed nation find their market in third word countries. In third world countries the government cannot restrict the use of these chemical because it would be very costly for the citizens in the third world countries in trying to make a living (Murphy, 73). In addition to the problems created by industrialization and development third world countries also suffer environmental difficulties that are caused by war and poverty among other causes. Third world environmental issues are such as air pollution, water pollution, desertification, soil erosion, deforestation and environmental poisoning. Environmental pollution both from developed nations and third world countries come from multiple sources and therefore reduction of this problem has to be tackled by international government, corporations, non governmental organizations and individuals alike (Murphy, 73). The largest single role must be played by the respective governments which will involve regulation and enforcement of anti pollution measures. These decisions are not simple as there may be balance struck between disruption of commerce and reduction of environmental pollution and between ambitious spending programs and conservative fiscal policies. Best intentions in third world countries sometimes lead to contradictory result. For example hoy no circular programs in Mexico was intended to reduce traffic by forbidding driving one day per every week depending on the number of licenses but the program was subverted and may be the result of the increased vehicle sales in this country (Magraw, 82). On the other hand there is no country that can effectively protects its environment and solve the numerous environmental problems on its own (Magraw, 84). No matter how the country is advanced in technology and science or how it is perfect on its means of implementation of the environmental law or how perfect it is in its means of legislation, an independent efforts to reduce environmental problems are not enough (Magraw, 86). Therefore it requires global efforts to reduce environmental problems. Moreover there is no country that can be able to pay costs of environmental degradation on its own including the ever increasing costs of the new technologies that are being developed to remedy environmental pollution (Magraw, 87). Since we share the same environment globally and given that international community is an organic whole we can argue that man endeavors to solve the global environmental issue can not be accomplished and will be to no avail if they fail to bring into play all the positive factors and unite the available forces. Bibliography: Rajan M: Global Environmental Politics: India and the North-South Politics of Global Environmental Issues, 1997. ISBN 0195640489, Oxford University Press. Pickering K & Owen L: An Introduction to Global Environmental Issues: Instructors’ Manua. 1997. ISBN 0415166640, Routledge. Harris F: Global Environmental Issues. 2004. ISBN 0470845619, John Wiley and Sons. Diaz A & West S: Environmental Issues in Latin America and the Caribbean. 2005. ISBN 1402037732, Springer.

Part 1- Racial identity and culture Essay

Introduction The term race refers to the concept of dividing people into populations or groups on the basis of various sets of characteristics and beliefs about common ancestry. 1 The most widely used human racial categories are based on visible traits (especially skin color, facial features and hair texture), and self-identification. Conceptions of race, as well as specific ways of grouping races, vary by culture and over time, and are often controversial for scientific as well as social and political reasons. The controversy ultimately revolves around whether or not races are natural kinds or socially constructed, and the degree to which observed differences in ability and achievement, categorised on the basis of race, are a product of inherited (i. e. genetic) traits or environmental, social and cultural factors. Some argue that although â€Å"race† is a valid taxonomic concept in other species, it cannot be applied to humans. Mainstream scientists have argued that race definitions are imprecise, arbitrary, derived from custom, have many exceptions, have many gradations, and that the numbers of races delineated vary according to the culture making the racial distinctions; they thus reject the notion that any definition of race pertaining to humans can have taxonomic rigour and validity. Today most scientists study human genotypic and phenotypic variation using more rigorous concepts such as â€Å"population† and â€Å"clinical gradation. † Many anthropologists contend that while the features on which racial categorizations are made may be based on genetic factors, the idea of race itself, and actual divisions of persons into groups based on selected hereditary features, are social constructs, whereas a new opinion among geneticists is that it should be a valid mean of classification, although in a modified form based on DNA analysis. 2 Racial and Ethnic identity and Development Racial and ethnic identity are critical parts of the overall framework of individual and collective identity. For some especially visible and legally defined minority populations in the United States, racial and ethnic identity are manifested in very conscious ways. This manifestation is triggered most often by two conflicting social and cultural influences. First, deep conscious immersion into cultural traditions and values through religious, familial, neighborhood, and educational communities instills a positive sense of ethnic identity and confidence. Second, and in contrast, individuals often must filter ethnic identity through negative treatment and media messages received from others because of their race and ethnicity. These messages make it clear that people with minority status have a different ethnic make-up and one that is less than desirable within main-stream society. Others, especially white Americans, manifest ethnic and racial identity in mostly unconscious ways through their behaviors, values, beliefs, and assumptions. For them, ethnicity is usually invisible and unconscious because societal norms have been constructed around their racial, ethnic, and cultural frameworks, values, and priorities and then referred to as â€Å"standard American culture† rather than as â€Å"ethnic identity. † This uncon-scious ethnic identity manifests itself in daily behaviors, attitudes, and ways of doing things. Unlike many minority cultures, there is little conscious instilling of specific ethnic identity through white communities, nor is differential ethnic treatment often identified in the media of white cultures. As we discuss throughout this chapter, everyone benefits from the development of a conscious ethnic identity and benefits as well when multicultural frame-works are used in their learning environments. Definitions of Racial and Ethnic Identity. The constructs of race and ethnicity in the United States are complex and difficult to define and frame. Researchers are not consistent in their meaning, which makes these concepts particularly challenging to grasp. To add to the confusion, racial and ethnic identity â€Å"transcends traditional categories and has become a major topic in psychology, literature, theology, philosophy, and many other disciplines†. The concept of racial identity, in particular, has been misunderstood and contested. Some meanings are derived from its biological dimension and others from its social dimension . As a biological category, race is derived from an individual’s â€Å"physical features, gene pools and character qualities†. Using these features as distinguishing characteristics, Europeans grouped people hierarchically by physical ability and moral quality, with Caucasians as the pinnacle, followed by Asians and Native Americans, and Africans last on the racial ladder. However, looking beyond these characteristics, there are more similarities than differences between racial groups and more differences than similarities within these groups. Today, literary and theoretical manifestations of racial identity are discussed not in biological terms (which may imply a racist perspective) but as a social construction, which â€Å"refers to a sense of group or collective identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular racial group†. Racial identity seems most often, however, to be a frame in which individuals categorize others, often based on skin color. The use of skin color is one of many labeling tools that allow individuals and groups to distance themselves from those they consider different from themselves. Racial identity is a surface-level manifestation based on what we look like yet has deep implications in how we are treated. Ethnic identity is often considered a social construct as well. It is viewed as an individual’s identification with â€Å"a segment of a larger society whose members are thought, by themselves or others, to have a common origin and share segments of a common culture and who, in addition, participate in shared activities in which the common origin and culture are significant ingredients†. Ethnic identity seems most often to be a frame in which individuals identify consciously or unconsciously with those with whom they feel a common bond because of similar traditions, behaviors, values, and beliefs. These points of connection allow individuals to make sense of the world around them and to find pride in who they are. If, however, positive ethnic group messages and support are not apparent or available to counteract negative public messages, a particular individual is likely to feel shame or disconnection toward their own ethnic identity. Ethnic identity development consists of an individual’s movement toward a highly conscious identification with their own cultural values, behaviors, beliefs, and traditions. Ethnic and racial identity models provide a theoretical structure for understanding individuals’ negotiation of their own and other cultures.